Showing posts with label Analysis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Analysis. Show all posts

Sunday, 12 June 2016

Yuri Gorodnenko: "Founding of Galician "Independence" can be called into question"

Translated by Ollie Richardson for Fort Russ
12th June, 2016




1918. Western Ukrainian land is proclaimed a separate Republic - the West Ukrainian People's Republic. A few days later the Galicians sign an agreement with the Ukrainian People's Republic on unification. Despite the Declaration, the actual merger never happens. The Galician government retains autonomy and, before its elimination, leads an independent foreign policy without agreeing it with Ukrainian People's Republic.

1941. The Great Patriotic war starts. Galician nationalists led by Stepan Bandera were on the side of Hitler. The "Act of the proclamation of the Ukrainian State" declared in Lviv records the restoration of a separate state on the territory of the Western Ukrainian regions. This document was supported by the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church and the policies of the WUPR.

1991. The crisis affected the entire Soviet Union. Instead of looking for an exit from the political and economic difficulties of the Central and Eastern regions' citizens of the USSR, three regional councils (Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil) are engaged in separatism. The "Galician Assembly" is created, with the aim of uniting Galicia, splitting Ukraine.

Thus, it is Western Ukraine at the time of the creation of the Ukrainian state that laid the foundations of separatism.

2004. The Galicians were in the vanguard of the "Orange Maidan". Refusing to recognize the Ukrainian laws and the government, the Galician region withdrew from the legal field of Ukraine. And when the "orange " politicians" began to plunder and destroy the country, the Galicians didn't even make a sound.

2013. A number of regions of Western Ukraine rise the European flag over local councils, and announce their withdrawal from the jurisdiction of Kiev. Today, those who, thanks to the Galicians, came to power, are destroying the Ukrainian nation and the country. But no protests from the Galicians can be heard.

As you can see, Galicia is a region that not only destabilized the country, but is a center of separatism.

It is obvious that the time has come to give them with this opportunity.

Moreover, the presence of Galician oblasts within Ukraine are based on historical precedent. And it was created as a result of the legal chaos that accompanied the collapse of the Soviet Union.

From February 1991, on the territory of three Galician oblasts (Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil), operated the so-called "Galician Assembly" — a coordinating body of the region. They (i.e., the combined Assembly of the three regional councils) passed a joint resolution "on the unity of Ukrainian lands". It actually disavowed the Declaration of the People's Assembly of Western Ukraine "On entering Western Ukraine into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic", adopted in Lviv on October 27th, 1939. The basis for the reunification of Ukrainian lands into a single state was adopted on 21st January 1919 by the Ukrainian People's Republic (the head —Symon Petliura) and West Ukrainian People's Republic "Reunion Act". It was just about the "reunification" and not the "stay" of Galicia in Ukraine.

When, in March 1991, the "Galician Assembly" (during the Soviet referendum on preserving the Soviet Union) organized a separate bill for independence from the Union, it emphasized their legal secession from the USSR.

The "Galician Assembly" continued to be active and make new decisions after the Verkhovna Rada adopted the Ukrainian SSR "Act of independence of Ukraine" in August 1991. Thus, the formation of the Ukrainian state occurred in the conditions of the reunification of Galicia on the basis of the "Reunion Act" of 1919, not the solutions of 1939.

Despite the conditions of global turmoil, nobody paid attention to one nuance — the "Act" was cancelled by the WUPR government in December 1919. That is, the inclusion of Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil regions occurred on the basis of a document that is a legally invalid.

Interesting fact: Leonid Kuchma wanted to curry favor with the West and Galicia, which established the date of the signing of the "Reunion Act" as a state holiday in 1999. Thus, making the situation even more absurd.

As a result, the law of the relationship of the location of Galicia in Ukraine can be called into question.



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Scenarios for Ukraine's Future: Tunisia, Egypt, Syria, or Libya 2.0?

June 12, 2016 - 
Yuri Sergeev, PolitRussia -
Translated by J. Arnoldski



Ukraine is in the midst of crisis and is faced with three of the most probable variants of the development of events: the Syrian, Egyptian, and Tunisian scenarios. This was recently stated by the Kiev political analyst Yuri Romanenko during his speech at the forum “Pulse of Change.”

Let us attempt to analyze this thesis in depth. For starters, it can be noted that the first, “Syrian” scenario which Mr. Romanenko specified as one of Ukraine’s possible futures, is in fact not at all out of character for the “great European state,” albeit, of course, with the correction that in Syria what is happening is a civil war instigated from abroad and carried out by the hands of insurgents against a legal government. In Ukraine, on the contrary, healthy forces are in fact defending their legal rights from the Kiev government seized by gangs of putschists with an ill-concealed “brown tint.” But the essence of the two situations is similar - in both places, a real civil war is ongoing. 

The second point is recognizing the sad fact and taboo that in “independent” Ukraine, “freedom and democracy” are under the harshest censorship. Sure, certain politicians have risked calling things by their names, but most prefer to dress up the punitive action against the rebellious population of Donbass as a “fight against Russian aggression” and, of course, against the ubiquitous “vatniks,” “kolorados,” “separatists,” and “terrorists.”

Romanenko’s caution in this case is clear. On the other hand, he deserves credit for not bringing up the ridiculously lauded “Ministry of Truth’s” account of the “Croatian scenario,” according to which the valiant Ukrainian “army” is merely awaiting leadership before victoriously regaining control over Donbass in a several-day-long blitzkrieg as was Croatia’s much lauded “Operation Storm” against Serbian Krajina in 1995. [He does not mention this] because this punitive action was successful and possible thanks to the treacherous policies of the Serbian leadership who chose the illusory hopes of “Euromembership” to the detriment of the armed defense of their compatriots’ interests. This clearly does not apply to the current policies of Russia.

Therefore, a checkmark can confidently be put next to the Syrian option for Ukraine in view of the fact it has long since been put into action on the territory of this “great European power.”

A Tunis was not prepared against Russia 

The less publicly known “Tunisian scenario” refers to the revolution (or coup, as you prefer) of 2011, which the events in Ukraine resemble to a large extent. Only instead of a Yanukovich concentrating evermore significant assets and power into his and his family’s hands, in Tunisia there was the figure of President Ben Ali whom the local “revolutionary youth”, dissatisfied with a  considerably unemployment rate (no matters its offset by serious benefits), decided to overthrow with the unofficial green-light of the US, thus initiating the so-called “Arab Spring.”

Fast forwarding, we can say that the Tunisian “kids” turned out to be the same “broken record” as their Ukrainian colleagues. After the “victory of the revolution,” unemployment and inflation grew and the standard of life dropped in the country. But there was “real democracy!,” i.e., the right to choose candidates for parliament not only from the only ruling party of Ben Ali, but also from several competing political forces who (to their credit) still had enough sense not to drag the country to civil war, which obviously favorably compares the Tunisian situation to the Ukrainian or, let’s say, the Libyan one. 

On the other hand, the “head sponsor” of the “Jasmine Revolution,” the US, didn’t need such a large upheaval in such a fairly small North African country. Changing the old corrupt regime was possible even without shooting. But Ukraine is a whole different matter. Ever since the time of Brzezinski, who dreamed of conflict between Ukrainians and Russians, the US planned an “unsinkable aircraft carrier” to be put at Russia’s borders and to use Ukraine as “cannon fodder” to fight Russia not with American, but other hands.

For Washington, the result of the war isn’t even important which, as was quite predictable, gave at least a 40-fold superiority of Russian defense spending over Ukrainian. The main point was creating a zone of instability on the territory of “independent Ukraine” up to the point of a “European Somalia” which could deliver all the more of a “headache” to both Russia and the US’ “sworn friends,” i.e., its EU competitors. 

Thus, seriously considering the possibilities of the emergence in Ukraine of sensible, influential elites, alas, is not worth it. In the meanwhile, as a temporary measure during the period of presidential campaigns in the US, the American administration can pretend that it is attempting to guarantee that obstinate, Nazi Kiev will be “compelled to Minsk.”

The Egyptian scenario: it’s not that army…

The last option voiced by Romanenko is called the “Egyptian” one. In its pure form, at least, this is impossible for Ukraine. After all, the Egyptian army (which ever since the beginning of real independence had remained one of the main “pillars” of real government), following the temporary triumph of the Islamists, once again seized power in the “country of pyramids." In fact, all Egyptian presidents without exception were high-ranking military men, and not even “former” ones at that.

The overthrow of the Muslim Brotherhood president Morsi by the army was a mere return to the usual order of governance. This was in fact acceptable for the majority of the population with the exception of the most notorious radicals. Thus, everything worked out without the cost of turning stadiums into concentration camps in the spirit of the Chilean dictator Pinochet.

In Ukraine, the army has never played such a weighty role in society. According to polls, only a small percentage of the population trusts it, and this is only as an abstract institution. When talking about concrete individuals, such unpleasant things as embezzlement, incompetent generals, the reluctance of youth to serve, etc. immediately manifest themselves. Since the beginning of the crisis, the situation has only worsened  in this regard. Radical patriots speak of “betrayal” among generals allegedly thanks to whom the Ilovaysk and Debaltsevo “cauldrons” were possible. And recruits already don’t merely shy away from “honorary duties,” but even dare to jump from the windows of military offices, risking their lives.

Expecting such an army to not only seize power but, moreover, make use of it and gain at least come credibility in society is not worth it. If in the Ukrainian army discipline is maintained now not so much thanks to respect or at least fear of commanders but just from the fear of criminal cases opened by “civil” prosecutors, then what will everything be like if the soldiers “break” civil institutions in the case of a next “Revolution?” The majority of soldiers will run away and the rest will turn into bandits. 

Of course, Ukraine has some “motivated” people with weapons, who usually have pronounced Nazi convictions. Apparently, it is these people that Romanenko has in mind in speaking of a situation in which “someone from a financial-industrial group, plus some kind of progressive force with foreign support and relying on any social group, can carry out a coup and by authoritarian means bring about change by destroying or suppressing part of the elites and social groups.” 

“The Ruin”: Ukrainian know-how from the 17th century to the present day

The whole problem of the Ukrainian elite since time immemorial is that among such “vigorous and progressive” forces, it has a significantly greater amount of the former. Hence the ironic saying “Two Ukrainians - three hetmans.” In fact, with very real reasons, during the time of “Ruins,” i.e., the 30-year period after Bogdan Hmelnitsky’s death, Ukraine had at least two, and sometimes three-four hetmans at the same time. This is not even counting the colonels who back then were a sort of governors who were only weakly subordinated to the supposedly supreme power, and this was even more true when their ranks included bright personalities.

So, let’s imagine that the Dnepropetrovsk oligarch Kolomoysky, with the aid of his financed Nazi battalions in the shape of Azov and Aidar, attempts to replace Poroshenko’s regime (which has more than once nearly happened if it wasn’t for the phone call of Vice President Biden with the order “lights out.”). This is a possible scenario. But a very big question is whether the beneficiary, Kolomoysky, will be able to reach agreements with the other oligarchs such as Pinchuk, Akhmetov, Firtash, and the Transcarpathian “boss” Baloga, etc. After all, they also sponsor their own official and semi-official armed groups. Would the actual federalization of Ukraine not be a gift to them and the ever-growing number of regional councils openly demanding a redistribution of power from Kiev?

Even if the punitive battalions were to free themselves from the control of the oligarchs (which wouldn’t be so difficult given their widespread disdain for these individuals), then seizing the government would still be very difficult. After all, doing so demands having one single “Fuhrer”, and in the Ukrainian political tradition there are more than a few candidates always ready for this. Recently, this “growing number” has found another claim for the role of “Fuhrer” in the face of the Nazi Savchenko.

Thus, a more likely scenario for Ukraine in this trajectory of events is not so much the “Egyptian” one as the “Libyan” one. When divided Libya was on the brink of civil war in the mid-1980’s, the country, according to conservative estimates, had 3 armies, 2 police forces, and 42 militias belonging to different religious and tribal groups…

On the other hand, should the experience of the Middle East even be used to assess events in Ukraine? After all, “independent” Ukraine has long had its own “brand” of suicidal power struggles, as in the case of the aforementioned “Ruin” period. During that period, over the course of 3 decades the population of the right-bank Ukraine, in contrast to the left-bank which became a protectorate of Moscow, came under the rule of the Polish Commonwealth, the Ottoman Empire, and the Crimean Khanate. The Ukrainian population decreased 10 times (!), which is an absolute record not even beaten by the infamous Thirty Years War in Germany at the beginning the 17th century when the population of affected principalities decreased only five times.


Unfortunately, this is a very likely scenario at the present moment as long as official Kiev maintains its suicidal policies and political analysts in Ukraine will be afraid to speak. It won’t be too long before the situation could fully accord with this gloomiest scenario. 




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Friday, 10 June 2016

How They Kill Themselves: Ukrainian Modifiers of Their Own Soviet Past

Translated by Ollie Richardson for Fort Russ
11th June, 2016






The "professional" boom in the sphere of historical law that occurs in the territory of post-Soviet countries is indeed pleasing to the eye. Yesterday's poets, librarians, and engineers have moved en masse to become specialists in the field of law. Retrained as "experts", they began to actively evaluate that neither the Russian Empire, or now the Soviet Union, did not have an established legal system.

Then, recently in the Verkhovna Rada, the draft law No. 4650 was registered, "On amendments to the law of Ukraine "on the succession" of the abolition of USSR acts on the territory of Ukraine". The explanatory note stated that the legislation of the Soviet Union "was not systematized". So, it means lawmakers have followed this up, and all laws that have survived from Soviet times should be abolished.

And who wrote it?

  • The journalist and defender of unconventional love, and now first Deputy speaker of the Parliament Irina Gerashchenko.
  • The librarian, and then poet, famous in Ukraine for her erotic allusions, the MP Maria Matios.
  • The entrepreneur-carrier, the MP Oksana Prodan.

These "experts" representing the "confectionary bloc" (Poroshenko's bloc - O.R), decided in one fell swoop to cancel all legislative acts that continue to have effect from the times of the Soviet Union.

As a result, the Housing code, which guarantees Ukrainian citizens the right to housing, will be terminated.

The code of labour laws will cease to operate. Therefore, Ukrainians will be defenseless in employment relationship (including guarantees of remuneration of labour).

The law on support for the agricultural sector and social support for villages will be cancelled.

Chernobyl veterans and disabled people will lose their benefits.

The legislation guaranteeing free education will be cancelled.

Legal norms on the protection of the environment and consumers will cease to operate .

Social legislation will almost be entirely destroyed, because Ukraine inherited it from the USSR.

Euromaidan shouted about justice, equality, freedom, and dignity, and now, by targetting at the Soviet Union, they have began to actually destroy an entire nation.

Abolishing the entire social protection, they are at the same time cutting the economy to pieces, thereby depriving the population of any opportunities to exist. They are pushing Ukrainians to ensure that they either flee to other countries or die.

If at least they could read what they scribbled. From the explanatory notes to the bill it follows that Soviet legislation should be abolished as it is, because... there is no free access to it in electronic form. It is interesting if the authors of the bill realise it further exposes them to ridicule? After all, even schoolchildren know that the world wide web (the Internet) appeared in 1991, after Ukraine left the Soviet Union.

However, the stupidity of the initiators of the bill doesn't stop here.

By destroying the legal framework of the USSR, they do not even hide that they decided to revise the Law of Ukraine "On succession", adopted by the Verkhovna Rada in September 1991. In accordance with this document, Ukraine was proclaimed the legal successor of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.

As a result of this fact, the legal basis of the sovereignty of "independent" Ukraine differs from other ex-Soviet republics, who are today setting their sights on integration with the West, because each of them proclaimed their succession from the pre-Soviet state formations. Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania declared themselves the heirs of the Baltic semi-fascist dictatorships of the 1930's. Georgia declared itself the successor of the Georgian Menshevik Republic in 1918. Moldova is even deeper immersed in the story. They associate themselves with the Moldovan Principality of the 18th century.

But in contrast to these post-Soviet countries, the history of Ukraine was not even a moment when she existed separately to Russia. In example, Petlyura's UPR was not legally recognized by anyone. And the Hetmanate of the 17th century, or the "empire" of Skoropadsky of the 20th century were an integral part of Russia. That's why to proclaim their succession from any other formation, except the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, was in 1991 is absurd as well as self-destructive.

But the current Ukrainian "leaders" all this is to the bulb. They, with their usual stupidity and arrogance, began to eliminate Ukraine. The first step is to make the law "on succession" from the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic void. Thus, it's not enough that ground for pretension to Kiev will be created from the sides of the former Soviet republics -  Russia at first - but, moreover, they themselves, with their hands, will delegitimize the existence of their own country.

But emptiness never exists in the world. Either the state will disappear, or  legal recognition and an indissoluble historical and legal relationship with Russia and other republics of the CIS opposition will appear. Especially because, today, many citizens of Ukraine on the territory of Russia gathered together that are capable of creating this opposition.

And sooner or later they will organize themselves and express their position.




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Wednesday, 8 June 2016

We Will Soon See Poroshenko's "Black" Budget

Translated by Ollie Richardson for Fort Russ
8th June, 2016




By appropriating the State Office of the Public Prosecutor and judicial authority, Poroshenko has started a staff rotation in Central Electoral Comission (CEC). As the saying goes, the moor has done his duty, the moor can leave.

The current composition of the CEC guaranteed Poroshenko a victory in one round, and he in return gave them more work. There was some sort of conspiracy between them, no doubt. It was not for nothing that the President never threw a sharp word in the direction of the CEC, which, incidentally, was formed under Yanukovych.

Today, Poroshenko is already preparing for the next election. Like in the movie, "Either I'll take her to the registry office, or she'll take me to court". Since a union between Poroshenko and the people is no longer possible, only the path to the Prosecutor remains. So he is looking for options, how to win a second term with a dead rating. So, it will involve getting technology, administrative resources, and money.

Elections are won even before the elections, and the CEC is a major component in this. Therefore, Poroshenko will do everything to ensure that he has a controlling stake of the CEC. As Stalin said: "No matter how they vote, it is important to consider how they think". Selling the personnel loyal to him will, as needed, be calculated in money, greyhound puppies, perks, and posts.

The CEC should be maximally apolitical, and "democratically" apply the principle quota again. Moreover,  people that are not respected in society are offered a role in the CEC.

In addition, it is necessary to monitor possible changes in the electoral legislation. It is not excluded that Poroshenko, after taking control over the Central Election Commission, will try to re-write even the rules of the "game" for himself.

I think in the near future, after the change of power, Ukraine will see Poroshenko's "black budget". And neither a chocolate river, nor a change of tide will help him. In a country where 86% of the population hates you, being elected as President for a second term is impossible.






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Do Russians need the "non-systemic opposition"?

June 8, 2016 - 
Mariya Lisitskaya, PolitRussia - 
Translated by J. Arnoldski



When people speak about the opposition, they usually have in mind the scandalous “white-ribboners” who are aching to be in government but aren’t let in. Such a statement can safely be called an illusion. Three major opposition parties are represented in parliament, and this raises some questions: What distinguishes the systemic opposition from the non-systemic opposition? Does the electorate need both? What are the prospects for them in the upcoming elections to the State Duma?

Perhaps it would be better to right off the bat reveal the intrigue by responding to the last question. And it doesn’t need to be sugar-coated. Although the main test for future people’s deputies still lies ahead, the general rehearsal took place in September last year. A single day of voting held in 84 regions of the country revealed more than a few patterns and gave good food for thought for political analysts and the parties involved in various polls. Some learned their lessons from this large-scale campaign, while others chose to turn a blind eye and ignore obvious things.

Nevertheless, the main result was that United Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, “A Just Russia,” and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia will undoubtedly take the lower house of parliament in 2016. The non-systemic opposition, besides perhaps a few characters, will not appear in the parliament under any circumstances. 

At first glance, such a categorization may seem surprising. After all, almost all experts who analyzed the results of the vote in 2015 and the political situation in the country as a whole noted that the public demands a change in government in the country. The natural result was thus the victory of certain representatives of the systemic opposition which achieved convincing victories on the regional level. 

The head of the Center for Economic and Political Reforms, Nikolay Mironov, explained this thus:

“Society is concerned about the  economic crisis and does not fully trust the anti-crisis measures of the authorities. If the economic situation in the country does not improve by 2016 - and this is unlikely - then the demand for the system opposition to be in power, including on a coalition basis, will fully manifest itself in the State Duma elections in 2016.”

The general director of the Center of Political Information, Aleksey Mukhin, for example, praised the Communist Party of the Russian Federation:

“It should be recognized that the second winner in these elections were the communists. They almost completely utilized the protest potential that voters now have.”

The head of the board of the Foundation for the Development of Civil Society, Konstantin Kostin, noted the “stabile result” of the Zhirinovskites (supporters of the LDP) and praised “A Just Russia” which “in previous years took part in elections  extremely vaguely, but is now confirming its status as a parliamentary party.”

Experts were not divided over assessments of the non-systemic opposition. This opposition, in their opinion, “failed to show any significant results in the regions.” 

In regards to this, Nikolai Mironov emphasized:

“Despite the fact that voters are looking for a political alternative, for a number of reasons they only trust the systemic opposition.”

The general directory of the Moscow Region Analytical Center, the political scientist Aleksey Chadaev, pointed out one of the reasons for such. Studies conducted on behalf of the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion revealed a sad picture for the non-systemic opposition: outside of Moscow, the population of Russia knows nothing about it. As evidenced by the results of the study, 88% of Russians do not know what the non-systemic opposition is; 72% have never heard the expression, while only 4% were able to name one of its representatives without any prompting. Based on this, the Moscow Region Analytical Center concluded that the political capital of the non-systemic opposition is today zero. Voters lack awareness of its leaders, trust, and a positive assessment of its activities.

What conclusions have been drawn by parties based on all of this? Astonishingly enough, the greatest tension was felt in United Russia. Despite the victories it seized in the majority of regions, the ruling part has very well understood that the opposition is coming on its heels and is ready to take advantage of any of its mistakes. Political analysts have said the same.

Political analyst Aleksey Mukhin in particular believes:

“If after the Sunday vote the ruling party does not draw conclusions for itself, then its representation will certainly decline. This is first and foremost linked with the economic situation in the country. And the parliamentary opposition, I’m afraid, will be in the State Duma in significantly greater numbers than before.” 

The ruling party, however, has drawn conclusions for itself. Responding to public demand, it has begun to update a third of the leadership of United Russia and conducted a large-scale preliminary vote. It should be noted that in many regions the voting lists included not only the party’s own representatives, but also non-party figures including the independent representatives of the People’s Front for Russia. This is a win-win situation. The People’s Front has gathered a number of not only recognizable, but also authoritative people who care about affairs and are able to work. Most likely, the electorate will vote not so much for the party as for these concrete people.

The parliamentary opposition parties, receiving decent dividends from last year’s September elections, have not rested on their laurels. Grubbing over the administrative resources which prevent them from achieved better results, they have nevertheless actively participated in the election processes in the regions. The public perception of all parties is now wide open and the popular arena has not been overfilled. 

Frankly speaking, the systemic opposition has complained about administrative resources more with an eye and warning for the future. Hence the leader of “A Just Russia” Sergey Mironov’s immediate recognition that:

“We have noted a certain trend in regards to the feeling that more attention should be paid to the observance of the law: on the level of the Central Electoral Commission and on the level of, in fact, the administration of the president, very clear lessons have been given and very clear guidelines have been set so that elections are transparent.” 

If only the non-systemic opposition would hear the words of Sergey Mironov! But no. He who has not drawn any conclusion for himself from last year’s electoral failures has not learned anything. Or maybe the non-systemic opposition has quite different goals. Commenting on the situation on Kostroma, where police found a large sum in the HQ of the “Open Elections” observers, the political analyst Konstantin Kostin noted:

“Participating in elections was plan “B” for PARNAS, while plan “A” was organizing as many scandals it could imagine in order to present itself as a victim persecution. All these actions bordered on provocations.” 

Here and now perfectly understanding that they will not shine at all in the State Duma elections, the non-systemic opposition are merely biting each other, decrying the “bloody regime,” and are being despised by 85% of Russians who are increasingly registering the non-systemic opposition under the category of “morons.”

Recent events related to the classes between Aleksey Navally and Maksim Katz once again illustrate the inability of certain non-systemic opposition figures to cooperate even with their own like-minded peers. On the other hand, their ability to delve into someone else’s private life and expose it for everyone to see appears to be amazing.

The journalist Igor Maltsev, calling the non-systemic opposition “a box of spiders” expressed this in coarse form, but reflected the essence correctly.

In regards to verbal forms, the general director of the Council on National Strategy, Valery Khomyakov, was more correct. He also had no illusions as to the prospects for someone from the non-systemic opposition to get into the State Duma in a majority district. According to the political analyst, we still have to wait to see whether Yabloko and PARNAS will agree to supporting single candidates. He says:

“If there will be no such agreements, then speaking about the chances of one of them is absolutely senseless.”

What will a failure of the non-systemic opposition in elections to the State Duma mean? Most likely, nothing. They will “honestly” continue to fulfill their task which the political analyst Aleksey Mukhin has aptly described:

“This is a quite developed and sophisticated business system which allows Aleksey Navalny, Mikhail Kasyanov, and other characters of the non-systemic opposition to comfortably exist and continue their activities.”

Another thing is that the large scale of scandals and provocations will grow shallow. After all the dirty links and self-exposures, the sincere democrats are unlikely to go out to Bolotnaya Square. Hence why the director of the Center for Political Studies of the Russian Federation government’s Financial University, Pavel Selin, does not expect any recurrence of large-scale opposition protests after the elections. In his words, “this political agenda is not relevant” and socio-economic process needed for this “has not yet crystallized.” 


Let’s hope that it will be the representatives of the four parliamentary factions in the updated State Duma who will successfully “crystallize” this process in thinking first of all about the fate of the country and its population before their own political ambitions. 




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